The
working classes have been particularly battered by global capitalism’s most
recent recession cycle. As this working class grows older and more of these people
reach retirement age, the primary concern of these people will be whether their
savings and pensions will provide them enough of a financial cushion for the
next 20 years or so. Those members of the working class fortunate enough to
have been represented by trade unions are most likely to be best insulated
against volatility in the market place as judicious saving, in combination with
a healthy pension, will presumably keep these people more than comfortable.
Many
of the pensions owed to such people will be the result of a curious arrangement
on the behalf of trade unions and their employers however. This is because
during the last 30 years a growing number of trade unions have sought out
market mechanisms in the form of investment pension funds, either through the
union entirely, or in conjunction with a particular employer, to seek returns
on the pension contributions of union members.
This
curious arrangement is just that, curious, for a number of reasons. First, the
practice of a trade union vulgarly embracing capitalist market mechanisms to
generate financial capital appears to be a reactionary concession to the
capitalist class. The trade union movement in its inception sought to transform
society into a more egalitarian environment no longer premised on the private
ownership of capital.
Second,
the pension funds organized for the benefit of the membership are rarely
directly managed or overseen by the working brothers and sisters on the shop
floor. These funds are generally overseen by professional union managers who
work solely for the union and no other organization. Furthermore, these
managers rarely have concrete work experience on the shop floor with their fellow
brothers and sisters. Thus, the establishment of a pension fund is a symptom of
the profound bureaucratization of the trade union movement. Excessive
Bureaucratization is an outcome that the trade union movement originally sought to avoid since it represented a regression into
petty-bourgeois organizational patterns
These
trends among the working class thus indicate a pattern of bourgeoisification
among their ranks. What is the nature of this bourgeoisification? Surely the consumption
cycle it implies is different than that of the more classically oriented middle
class of lawyers and doctors?
It
certainly is. We must never forget that in a capitalist economy it is labour
that is fundamentally the basis of all economic value. The activity that the
professional and middle classes have been primarily engaged in however is not
of “creating value” so much as expropriating profit. Profit is derived from the
exploitation of the working classes who are not compensated for the full
financial value that their work in turn implies.
When
this dual formula of value enaction and expropriation of profit is applied to the
newly bourgeoisified working class, a perverse scenario results; the working
class relinquishes its autonomy. It metaphorically hands its own lash to the
capitalist class only to be subsequently, repeatedly and violently whipped by
it. This situation results from the fact that investment funds must continually
seek a source of return. In order to derive this return on investment, the fund
must necessarily put someone to work. Perversely, the funds invested by trade
unions inevitably trickle back into the coffers of the organizations that
employ the working class in question. The end result is the institution of the
working class’ slavery through the medium of the trade union. The lash has been
handed over, and this kind of sadomasochistic relationship is what structures
labour negotiations today. The proletariat learns to love what dominates it.
It may be said that new opportunities are opened to the working class as result of this kind of industrial relationship. As perverse a claim as that is, it may still be true. The price paid has been high however. It has come at the expense of the working class’ own autonomy. Only when the working class recognizes the fundamentally autonomous nature of its existence may it once again become of world historical importance as a class. Until then, alternative means are necessary in order to institute an autonomous and egalitarian society.
This is not to say that work is to be abandoned. Quite the contrary, work is the creative basis that fundamentally assures the maintenance and institution of a free and autonomous society. The task for such a society is therefore to fundamentally re-conceive the nature and end goal of such work. Will work be based on the untenable and unsustainable basis of profit or some other means? This seems crucial.